Good news on the tech front

I know a couple folks who’ve been playing around with the Windows 7 beta, and everyone seems to agree:  even as a beta, it mops the floor with Vista.  Win 7 appears to be to Vista as 98 was to 95—namely, a giant bug fix, fine-tune and cleanup; and it looks like Microsoft is doing a good job of that.  Perhaps the best news is that

Windows 7 also cuts down on annoying warnings and nag screens. Microsoft notifications have been consolidated in a single icon at the right of the taskbar, and you can now decide under what circumstances Windows will warn you before taking certain actions.

Unless, of course, it’s this:

In my tests, even the beta version of Windows 7 was dramatically faster than Vista at such tasks as starting up the computer, waking it from sleep and launching programs. . . . Windows 7 is also likely to run well on much more modest hardware configurations than Vista needed.

That said, neither of these things is likely to draw the most attention; the big notices will be reserved for its big new feature:

The flashiest departure in Windows 7, and one that may eventually redefine how people use computers, is its multitouch screen navigation. Best known on Apple’s iPhone, this system allows you to use your fingers to directly reposition, resize, and flip through objects on a screen, such as windows and photos. It is smart enough to distinguish between various gestures and combinations of fingers. I haven’t been able to test this feature extensively yet, because it requires a new kind of touch-sensitive screen that my laptops lack.

For my part, I don’t care about that (right now, at least); I’ll just be happy to have an OS that doesn’t silt up so fast, and isn’t stubbornly determined to nag me to death.

The politics of personal destruction, intra-GOP edition

When a couple McCain campaign staffers went to war on Sarah Palin last fall, trying to make her the implausible scapegoat for their candidate’s loss, one obvious motive was to shift the blame for the loss away from their own (dismal) performance.  Beyond that, there were rumors that the Romney camp was behind it in an effort to help Mitt Romney’s chances to win the GOP’s presidential nomination in 2012.  It quickly became clear, however, that Nicolle Wallace, a former CBS executive whom the McCain campaign made Gov. Palin’s chief handler (and who, as such, was responsible for most of the decisions that hurt Gov. Palin), was the primary bad actor; at that point, the Romney theory fell by the wayside, because Wallace wasn’t allied with the Romney camp.  She had been, however, an aide to George W. Bush and Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, which prompted the suggestion that the deep motive behind her attempt to smear Gov. Palin was in fact to clear the decks for Jeb Bush to run for President.Now, we have an idea why.  Judging from her column yesterday, Wallace may be a Republican but she’s no conservative; rather, she seems pretty clearly to be an Establishment Republican who is opposed to any sort of conservative resurgence within the GOP.  She worked for the Bushes, who are the First Family of the oldline GOP Establishment if anyone is, and then went to work for John McCain, who was (from the Establishment perspective) President Bush’s logical successor despite the differences between the two men; but when Sen. McCain named an actual conservative as his running mate—and an appealing, charismatic, pathbreaking conservative at that—that obviously posed her a problem.  Erick Erickson of RedState writes about Wallace,

We don’t know why she behaved as she did other than to save her own skin at the expense of a decent women maligned by the press and handled incompetently by the McCain campaign.

I agree that we can’t know for sure; but I do wonder, given what we do know, if at some level Wallace was sabotaging Gov. Palin.  I don’t say that she was doing so consciously—but given that Gov. Palin clearly represented a threat to Wallace’s own political views and the wing of the party with which she has identified herself, she may well have done so subconsciously.  At the very least, and particularly given the remarkably poor way in which she assisted the Governor, she clearly was not motivated to do her best work on Gov. Palin’s behalf.  When one considers how she acted once she was free to say whatever she wanted about Gov. Palin, however, the possibility that her sabotage may have been at least semi-deliberate (an effort to play down the Governor and thus hurt her without hurting Sen. McCain’s campaign) cannot be ruled out.Whether Gov. Jeb Bush will in fact jump into the 2012 presidential race, I have no idea; but if he does, regardless of attempts to hatchet down Gov. Palin or anyone else, I can’t imagine him winning the nomination.  Had things played out differently, I think he might have been a fine president—he was a good governor in Florida, and I certainly would have preferred him to his brother—but not now; the GOP needs to turn away from its establishment candidates and back to conservatism.  It also needs to return to its Reaganite roots in another way:  it needs to throw overboard the people who think it’s appropriate to hatchet down fellow Republicans for political gain.  Like Nicolle Wallace.

Channeling Dubya, Part II

Even Jon Stewart has noticed:
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As John Hinderaker sums it up, “I think a great many liberals are hanging on to the idea that they can trust Obama because he is a liar and doesn’t mean what he says. Time will tell whether that interpretation is correct or not. In the meantime, it doesn’t speak very well of either Obama or his supporters on the Left.”

The change we’ve been waiting for?

Yesterday, Barack Obama had some fine words for the people he’s chosen to serve in his administration.  No surprise there; Barack Obama always has fine words.  I particularly appreciate this:

The way to make government responsible is to hold it accountable. And the way to make government accountable is make it transparent so that the American people can know exactly what decisions are being made, how they’re being made, and whether their interests are being well served.The directives I am giving my administration today on how to interpret the Freedom of Information Act will do just that. For a long time now, there’s been too much secrecy in this city. The old rules said that if there was a defensible argument for not disclosing something to the American people, then it should not be disclosed. That era is now over. Starting today, every agency and department should know that this administration stands on the side not of those who seek to withhold information but those who seek to make it known. . . .Let me say it as simply as I can: Transparency and the rule of law will be the touchstones of this presidency.

Fine words, indeed, and a noble aim—but fine words only mean something if people take them seriously, and a noble aim is little but moonbeams if not pursued with determination.  So the question is, how are we seeing this realized?  The answer, unfortunately, is that President Obama’s senior appointees have already begun to betray their boss on this point.  Timothy Geithner, Treasury Secretary-designee, first offered the Senate dubious excuses for his failure to pay his taxes, then finally seems to have lied to them about it; Eric Holder, meanwhile, the nominee for Attorney General, has already been caught in a bald-faced lie.  Whatever your opinion about President Obama’s ability to deliver the change he promised, I think we can all agree this isn’t it.

Reality has entered the arena

Juan Williams has an excellent piece in the Wall Street Journal titled, “Judge Obama on Performance Alone,” calling on the media to start treating President Obama fairly instead of favorably.  Williams writes,

It is neither overweening emotion nor partisanship to see King’s moral universe bending toward justice in the act of the first non-white man taking the oath of the presidency. But now that this moment has arrived, there is a question: How shall we judge our new leader?If his presidency is to represent the full power of the idea that black Americans are just like everyone else—fully human and fully capable of intellect, courage and patriotism—then Barack Obama has to be subject to the same rough and tumble of political criticism experienced by his predecessors. To treat the first black president as if he is a fragile flower is certain to hobble him. It is also to waste a tremendous opportunity for improving race relations by doing away with stereotypes and seeing the potential in all Americans.Yet there is fear, especially among black people, that criticism of him or any of his failures might be twisted into evidence that people of color cannot effectively lead. That amounts to wasting time and energy reacting to hateful stereotypes. It also leads to treating all criticism of Mr. Obama, whether legitimate, wrong-headed or even mean-spirited, as racist.This is patronizing. Worse, it carries an implicit presumption of inferiority. Every American president must be held to the highest standard. No president of any color should be given a free pass for screw-ups, lies or failure to keep a promise. . . .To allow criticism of Mr. Obama only behind closed doors does no honor to the dreams and prayers of generations past: that race be put aside, and all people be judged honestly, openly, and on the basis of their performance.President Obama deserves no less.

Williams is right, and his point is a critically important one—even more important, perhaps, than he contends.  The sort of “affectionate if not fawning treatment from the American media” that Senator Obama received during the campaign was helpful to him as a candidate, because as a candidate he was insulated from the broader reality of the American situation.  He didn’t have to put anything on the line to deal with the challenges this country faces, nor did he have to accept responsibility for anything that went wrong, because he wasn’t in the arena where those challenges are actually faced—that fight belonged to President Bush, leaving Senator Obama free to critique from the stands without having to deal with it himself.  He had a different campaign to fight, one in which perception is what matters most, and the adulation of the media could affect that in meaningful ways to his benefit.Now, however, the situation is very different; it is now President Obama’s task to be “the man in the arena,” and he is no longer free merely to comment, criticize, and suggest—he must act, and his actions will have direct and significant consequences.  As Jennifer Rubin writes,

The economy will either improve or it won’t. President Obama will either control and focus the multiple voices in his administration and prevent too many cooks from spoiling the soup (or deadlocking the administration) or he won’t. And he will either continue George W. Bush’s record of post-9-11 U.S. safety and post-surge progress, or he won’t. Those events can only be spun so much. But unemployment rates, Dow Jones averages, al Qaeda terrorists and even Congress don’t much care whether he is the embodiment of the mainstream media’s hopes and dreams.In the end, what matters most is what the President does—and what results he achieves.

This is truth, and it means that from here on out, the media aren’t really going to be able to do Barack Obama any favors; they can do a lot to destroy a president, as they did with George W. Bush, by skewing their reporting toward bad news and spinning things in negative ways, but they can’t create good news that isn’t there, and they can’t keep bad news from getting out.  No matter how hard they try, “the MSM has to get around to reporting what everyone else knows to be the case sooner or later (as they did on Iraq).”  They can only delay that point—they cannot keep it from arriving.That being the case, the one real effect they could have by continuing to fawn over Barack Obama is to foster and feed a feeling of overconfidence in the White House—which couldn’t possibly be good for the president or his administration, and could quite possibly be fatal.  Far better for them to start asking the tough questions and digging out the hidden stories now, when there’s much less on the line.  I don’t expect them to attack President Obama the way they attacked President Bush—indeed, I’m glad they won’t; what they did to our 43rd president was dishonorable and repulsive, and I would not care to see it repeated to anyone—but they need to get back to being what they claim to be, “a proud, adversarial press speaking truth about a powerful politician and offering impartial accounts of his actions.”  As Juan Williams says, President Obama deserves no less.

As usual, score one for Mickey Kaus

who has this to say about the GOP’s mood (it’s the last item in the post):

Conservatives I’ve met in D.C. so far have been near-ebullient, not downcast or bitter. Why? a) They know how unhappy they’d be now if McCain had won; b) Obama has not fulfilled their worst fears, or even second-to-worst fears; c) now they can be an honest, straight-up opposition.

Oddly enough, b) might be the least important of the three.  a) and c) go together, really; the shots from Democrats that John McCain represented “a Bush third term” weren’t fair on the whole, but there is one respect in which he would have been a continuation of the Bush administration:  it would have been four more years, for conservatives, of gritting teeth and biting tongues on a great many policies (more than with President Bush, I’m sure) so as not to undermine him on the few key ones on which we agree.  Valued commenter and colleague Doug Hagler has argued repeatedly in his comments here that Republicans don’t believe in free markets any more than the Democrats do, and that there is no party of small government; that isn’t true on a grassroots level, or among the more junior leaders of the party, but it’s been true on a national level for quite some time, and this is a lot of the reason.  The GOP hasn’t put up an economic conservative as its presidential candidate since Reagan (though George H. W. Bush talked the talk long enough to get elected); and while the party won both houses of Congress on a conservative platform in 1994, power and its seductions bent the congressional GOP leadership away from that in time.  Conservatives in the party, in order to hold fast to conservative positions, would have had to go into opposition en masse to their own party—which probably would have looked severely counterproductive at the time, since it would undoubtedly have swung the federal government as a whole to the left.  In the long run, I’m not sure it would have been counterproductive at all, but that would have been a pretty long gamble to play . . . and might very likely have cost those conservatives their seats.  Would it have been worth it anyway to preserve a greater integrity to a conservative opposition?  Perhaps, but I doubt we’ll ever be able to say for sure.In any case, as Kaus notes, that particular problem has now been solved (in the most drastic fashion possible); the party has been purged to a considerable extent, and exiled to the outer darkness for its misdeeds.  That means it’s a long road back, but as conservatives, we can be glad simply to be on the road back—it has at least turned around—and to have a new generation of leaders rising up, folks like Governors Sarah Palin and Bobby Jindal, and Representatives Eric Cantor, Paul Ryan and Kevin McCarthy, to guide us on the way.  It means it’s the ideal time to begin to make the GOP a conservative party once again—and perhaps, this time, to learn from the mistakes of the last time, and keep it one.

The speechwriters’-eye view

Hugh Hewitt linked today to a blog that was started just this month by former White House speechwriters—specifically, the White House Writers Group, founded by former Reagan/Bush speechwriters, and the West Wing Writers, a group of former Clinton speechwriters—called Podium Pundits; their stated purpose is “to analyze and comment on major speeches, messaging strategy, and the business of communications.”  This looks like it’s going to be a fascinating blog, and I’ve added it to the blogroll.  Bonus points for posting the pictures of the year so far:

Channeling Dubya

We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us,
and we will defeat you.—President Barack Obama, January 20, 2009Fine words, and very familiar-sounding, somehow.  Here’s hoping he has the guts to stand to the mark behind them the way his immediate predecessor did.(Great word, “predecessor”; literally, “the one who died before you.”  Good metaphor for the presidency, really.)

Reasons to be proud

David Horowitz has an excellent piece on the inauguration up on FrontPage Magazine. I especially like his conclusion:

All over the country Americans have invested their hopes in Obama’s ability to pull his country together to face its challenges. Among these Americans are millions—most likely tens of millions—who have never identified with their government before, who felt “outside” the system they regarded as run by elites, who ascribed its economic troubles to the greedy rich, who bought the Jackson-Sharpton canard that America was a racist society and they were locked out, who would have scorned the term “patriot” as a compromise with such evils, and who turned their backs on America’s wars.But today celebrating their new president are millions of Americans who never would have dreamed of celebrating their president before. Millions of Americans—visible in all their racial and ethnic variety at the Lincoln Memorial on Sunday—have begun to feel a patriotic stirring because they see in this First Family a reflection of themselves.The change is still symbolic and may not last. A lot depends on what President Obama will do, which is not a small question given how little is still known about this man and how little tested he remains. Some of this patriotism may be of the sunshine variety—in for a day or a season, when the costs are not great. Or more cynically: in to show that their hatred for America is really just another form of political “dissent.” Yet whatever the nature of these changes they cannot for now be discounted. Consider: When President Obama commits this nation to war against the Islamic terrorists, as he already has in Afghanistan, he will take millions of previously alienated and disaffected Americans with him, and they will support our troops in a way that most of his party has refused to support them until now. When another liberal, Bill Clinton went to war from the air, there was no anti-war movement in the streets or in his party’s ranks to oppose him. That is an encouraging fact for us in the dangerous world we confront.If it seems unfair that Barack Obama should be the source of a new patriotism—albeit of untested mettle—life is unfair. If the Obama future is uncertain and fraught with unseen perils, conservatives can deal with those perils as they come. What matters today is that many Americans have begun to join their country’s cause, and conservatives should celebrate that fact and encourage it. What matters now is that the American dream with its enormous power to inspire at home and abroad is back in business. What it means is that the race card has been played out and America can once again see itself—and be seen—for what it is: a land of incomparable opportunity, incomparable tolerance, and justice for all. Conservative values—individual responsibility, equal opportunity, racial and ethnic pluralism, and family—are now symbolically embedded in the American White House. As a result, a great dimension of American power has been restored. Will these values be supported, strengthened, put into practice? It is up to us to see that they are.

HT:  Paul Mirengoff