All that is old is new again

The state of American politics these days is messy and unpleasant. Voices across the country can be heard decrying the polarization and hostility of our political culture, and rightly so, I think, because it really isn’t terribly healthy. As a consequence, we’ve seen a number of books in the last few years urging us to move beyond partisan divisions—though oddly enough, the solution most of them propose is that conservatives should capitulate and become liberals, a suggestion which seems neither plausible nor helpful.

Any truly intelligent response to the state of American politics needs to begin with the realization that we’ve been here before—indeed, that this might be considered the normative state of American politics. It certainly isn’t the most polarized time in American history; even the most pessimistic sort would have to admit that it ranks somewhere behind the 1860s in that regard, while a good case could be made that in fact, most of the 19th century was at least as bad.

If you find that hard to believe, I’d suggest you check out a new book by historian Edward Larson, published by the Free Press, called A Magnificent Catastrophe: The Tumultuous Election of 1800, America’s First Presidential Campaign. John Wilson, editor of Books & Culture, discusses Larson’s book in his column in the November/December issue; and as he notes, there’s an awful lot about the 1800 presidential election that sounds remarkably familiar, not least the overheated and over-the-top rhetoric of both sides. One suspects that had the term only existed back then, Thomas Jefferson would have been happy to off-handedly dismiss John Adams as “a raving fundamentalist”; from his comments, he’d fit right in with one of our age’s atheist enfants terrible inveighing against George W. Bush.

AI: Amnesty International, or Abortion International?

Apparently, Amnesty International has adopted a new policy in favor of abortion. They’re trying to keep this change from the public’s attention—I assume because they’d rather avoid the controversy that’s bound to come—and they’re preparing to deny that they’ve taken the position that abortion is a human right, once the controversy does hit; but practically speaking, that’s exactly what they’ve done. They may say that they take no position on when life begins, but one thing is clear: an organization dedicated to the defense of human rights has decided that unborn children have no rights worth defending. And they don’t even have the guts to admit that’s what they’ve done. It’s not just sad, it’s pathetic.

What a week; what a world

This has been a week about violence and death. I believe it was D. L. Moody who declared that the world has never seen what God can do with one man wholly devoted to him; on Monday, we saw something rather more familiar–what the devil can do with one man who has given himself over to evil. Among the victims lie at least one hero, Dr. Liviu Lebrescu, and a good many people who were determined to do their part to make the world a better place. Most, I’m sure, imagined they had plenty of time to do so; and now, by the evil will of one cowardly human being, they have no more time. I appreciate those who have had something worthwhile to say about this; I particularly appreciate Blest with sons‘ call to us to appreciate the sheepdogs among us; for my part, all I’ve been able to do is say the Kyrie, over and over. Lord, have mercy upon us . . .

But he does. For all our evil, for all we do to mar the good he gives us, he shows us mercy, over and over; as broken and rebellious as we are, he loves us anyway. As obscene a thing as the VT massacre was–somehow worse, at least to me, for coming so close after Easter–yet death does not have the last word. God blesses us despite ourselves, and sometimes even despite our wishes.

In light of that, though I’m not drawing any parallels here, it seemed symbolic to me that two days later, the Supreme Court handed down a decision (Gonzales v. Carhart) upholding the federal Partial Birth Abortion Act. It was a much more limited decision than many (especially on the left) would have you believe–as Hadley Arkes expected, it upheld the law only against a facial challenge, with no repudiation of Roe v. Wade, leaving the door wide open for further challenges to the law as it’s actually applied–but as limited as it is, it is still a significant moment. As Joseph Bottum points out, this appears to mean that abortion law no longer enjoys special, protected status–the door is open to treat abortion legislation in the same way as legislation in other areas. Ultimately, we cannot know whether this step will lead to another step in the same direction or will prove but a momentary turn–barring another change in the Court’s membership, it will depend on Anthony Kennedy, who defies certain prediction–but as Fr. Richard John Neuhaus says, there is at least some reason for hope.

And if that comes through, if abortion on demand is no longer the law of the land by judicial fiat, then perhaps we can begin to build some sort of constructive consensus, along the lines Chicago Sun-Times columnist Neil Steinberg suggested a few years ago; even then, it would be a long way to legal recognition of the human rights of the unborn, but perhaps at least we can arrive at a general understanding that abortion is not a good choice, that there ought to be and are better choices, and that we all together need to do everything we can to make them available to and viable for women in need.

An insurgency divided against itself cannot stand

From the “Things the US Media Won’t Tell You” Dept.:

Our Islamicist opponents in Iraq are turning on each other, and their “premier jihadist propaganda tool” has now launched an all-out attack on al-Qaeda. This shouldn’t surprise us–one of the best arguments for standing firm in Iraq is that the uneasy alliances among our enemies there can’t hold together if we keep the pressure on–but unfortunately, it also shouldn’t surprise us that no one in the West is interested in reporting this. Kudos to Nibras Kazimi, a visiting scholar at the Hudson Institute, for breaking this story on his blog Talisman Gate; this is the sort of thing we need to know if we’re going to have any chance at all to evaluate the situation in Iraq rationally and helpfully.

Wretchard at The Belmont Club picked up on this, via a thread on Small Wars Council in which it’s noted that al-Qaeda’s actions on the ground have outraged not only fellow jihadists but at least some of the tribes on whose cooperation they have depended. The key for us in Iraq, it seems to me, is to use a sort of large-scale judo on al-Qaeda and on other groups involved in the insurgency, to do everything possible to use their strength against them and assist them in defeating themselves; and if Wretchard’s right, that might be just what we’re doing. Now might not be a bad time at all to significantly reduce our troop presence, but it’s definitely not the time to pull out and abandon the field to our enemies. Stay the course, but sneakily.

Washington politics at their oddest

No, I don’t mean D.C., I mean my home state; which tends, politically speaking, to be strange, but not as strange as Oregon to the south or British Columbia to the north. This gambit, though, is the sort of thing you might expect to see come out of Oregon:

New initiative: No children? Then no marriage
‘Absurd’ idea aims to start discussion

I may comment on this later; right now . . . I’m speechless.

Electoral musings, attitude edition

I’m winding down on the election, but I do have a couple more things I want to post. For one, here are a couple excellent columns on the majority Democratic attitude toward religion and conservative Christians; oddly enough, one is from the major area paper we don’t get here, the Denver Post (“Note to the Democrats from a values voter”), and one is from the major area paper we didn’t get where we used to live, the Seattle Post-Intelligencer (“It’s Democrats who can do better”). No significance to that, but it amuses me.

And while it doesn’t really fit the theme, consider this a sidebar, and go read David von Drehle’s latest column in the Washington Post, “Take the Issues to the People, Not to the Courts.” If the Democratic Party follows his advice, it will be bad for the electoral prospects of the Republican Party, but very good for the nation.

Electoral musings, part V

Well, everybody’s trying to figure out why the Democratic Party lost (umm, because there are more Republican voters? Nah, too simple); as Harold Meyerson put it in the Washington Post, “We are . . . post-morteming like nobody’s business.” Now FOXNews.com has gotten into the act with an article that really makes me wonder if they deserve their conservative reputation. Consider the following statements:

“Even though Democrats would’ve helped [Midwesterners] more, they still voted for Bush because they think he’s a good old boy.” (This from a Bostonian who thinks that just because he went to college in Indiana, he understands the Midwest. Sorry, bub, wrong culture.)

“It’s clear that on conservative moral values, people voted for those values over their own economic interests. I don’t understand it, and I think we need to go back and look at it.” (Leo Girard, president of the United Steelworkers of America)

Again, Perry Mason: “Objection—assumes facts not in evidence.” Does it ever occur to liberals that perhaps conservatives actually don’t believe that liberal policies are best for the economy? Mr. Union President, if you want to understand it, you might begin by considering the possibility that those of us who voted for Bush largely understood ourselves as voting both for those values and for our economic interests, not as voting for one over the other.

“Midwesterners don’t really relate to Democrats. Especially Kerry, he was much more intellectual than Bush, and that’s not what someone in Middle America relates to.” (That was Carol Kolb, editor-in-chief of The Onion; she went on to accuse the Democrats of “a little bit of condescension.” Pot, meet kettle.)

“That’s how [the GOP] creates divisions. You call them names. The right has done a very effective job at framing the left—they suck at responding.” (That quote comes courtesy of the president of spinArt Records, whatever that is. Apparently, not a history major, or he’d realize that the GOP didn’t start that war.)

The common thread in all these is the implicit belief that the Democrats lost because voters weren’t smart enough to realize the truth. From my perspective, the revival of the Democratic Party as a national party will begin once they toss that ego-salving belief out the window and face reality: we knew exactly what we were doing when we voted Republican. (Well, not all of us; but as many as knew what they were doing when they voted Democrat. As the Rocky Mountain News‘ Dave Kopel points out, “Political ignorance plays no favorites.”)

Finally, there’s this: “Ask [Republicans] what Jesus said about the difficulty of a rich man getting into heaven. What does this say about tax cuts, about cutting funding for schools, health insurance and apparent favoritism for the wealthiest contingent of our country?” The chap responsible for this quote is a schoolteacher in Austin, TX. I’m sorry to have to tell him, but he’s unqualified to do biblical interpretation. The point of that parable is that Jesus’ fellow Jews regarded the rich as the likeliest to get into heaven, for a combination of reasons, and thus that if the rich would have such a hard time, what hope did anyone else have? Hence Jesus’ comment, “What is impossible for human beings is possible with God.” In other words, salvation is utterly impossible by any human effort; it’s only possible through God’s action in Jesus Christ. That is the point of this parable—it’s nothing at all about “tax cuts . . . cutting funding for schools, health insurance [or] apparent favoritism for the wealthiest contingent of our country.” To be sure, the gospel does bear on these issues, but this passage doesn’t; and just as importantly, the Bible shouldn’t be applied so simplistically—by either side.

Electoral musings, moral values edition

Well, we seem to have moved on from the “moral values” phase of election post-mortem, courtesy of folks like David Brooks, E. J. Dionne Jr., Charles Krauthammer, and James Q. Wilson; I think they’ve overstated their case somewhat—moral issues had a great deal of traction this year, and where Bush drew a considerable chunk of his support based on such issues, Kerry botched them, as Terry Eastland and Richard Wolffe point out—but we’re still talking about only 22% of the electorate who put such concerns at the top of their list (and that, of course, doesn’t tell us by how much, or what was second, or how important moral values were for other voters). Dionne’s point is well taken that this presidential election was too complicated to be explained that simply.

Still, it was entertaining to watch the reaction of many liberals to the importance of moral values to this election—Ellen Goodman’s column is one example: they essentially said, “What we have to do is explain that our issues are moral-values issues too—that poverty is a moral-values issue, and opposing the war in Iraq is a moral-values issue, and raising taxes is a moral-values issue,” and so on and so forth. Such an approach fits the Democratic Party’s preferences for simple solutions (Want more revenue? Raise taxes. Want to address poverty? Give poor people money. Want to address international crises? Call the UN.); it’s also remarkably condescending, assuming that folks voted Republican out of ignorance, and that all the Dems need to do is set us straight and we’ll vote donkey. The truth is, as Mark Steyn and David Limbaugh point out, we know those are moral issues, and we think the Democrats are on the wrong side of those, too—and that the Democrats won’t succeed in winning back voters they’ve turned off until they set aside that condescension.

BTW, for a fairer Democratic perspective on this, check out Gary Hart’s column in the New York Times.

Electoral musings, NYC edition

Long week—two funerals and sick kids—so I’m behind on where I wanted to be; but the New York Times‘ response to this election, in the form of columnists Nicholas Kristof and Thomas Friedman, was so egregious, I had to come back to it.

Kristof had the gall to title his column “Living Poor, Voting Rich,” and to talk about “the millions of farmers, factory workers and waitresses who ended up voting—utterly against their own interests—for Republican candidates.” Excuse me? How Marxist, and how condescending! Even if one grants his economic analysis that Bush has been and will be bad economically for those he mentions (which I most emphatically do not), who is Kristof to define people’s “own interests” for them? Who said we viewed our own interests in purely economic terms? Perhaps his view of the world begins and ends with his checkbook, but mine certainly doesn’t, and I’m not alone in that. For a great many of us, our “own interests” have a great deal to do with what sort of country we want to live in; to accept a country which is far less than what we believe it should be in exchange for a few more dollars in the pocket is a deal many of us wouldn’t want to make.

On this one, Kristof would do well to read the rest of the NYC media; Newsday columnist Joseph Dolman pegged him pretty good when he wrote, “National Democrats . . . keep thinking their losses stem from Republican demagoguery or from a misunderstanding of their message by voters in the hinterlands or—let’s be totally honest—from an epidemic of stupidity among the people whose minds they want to win.

“In short, they haven’t a clue.”

Dolman’s right, which is why, as he put it, the Democrats are “whistling Dixie after another defeat.”

On the flip side, Friedman was perceptive enough to realize this, though I think he was overstating things to declare us “two nations under God.” When he writes, “this election was tipped because of an outpouring of support for George Bush by people who don’t just favor different policies than I do—they favor a whole different kind of America. We don’t just disagree on what America should be doing; we disagree on what America is,” he’s absolutely correct. My problem with his column is where he goes next:

“Is it a country that does not intrude into people’s sexual preferences and the marriage unions they want to make? Is it a country that allows a woman to have control over her body? Is it a country where the line between church and state bequeathed to us by our Founding Fathers should be inviolate? Is it a country where religion doesn’t trump science? And, most important, is it a country whose president mobilizes its deep moral energies to unite us—instead of dividing us from one another and from the world?”

Let’s take this piece by piece, shall we?

“Is it a country that does not intrude into people’s sexual preferences . . .”

Umm, two problems with this statement. One, this country always has intruded into such preferences, both at the level of who can marry whom (polygamy, for instance, is out) and at deeper levels (isn’t pedophilia a “sexual preference”?). Two, since I know Friedman isn’t really talking about “sexual preferences” generically (unless he surprises me by coming out with defenses of pedophilia and incest), last I checked, the federal government does nothing whatsoever against homosexual sex.

“. . . and the marriage unions they want to make?”

Again, our government has always defined marriage, and to define is by definition to set limits. There is nothing new about this, nor is insisting on the current operating definition of marriage anything the slightest bit new; what’s new is that some people want to change that definition. This isn’t about giving people of homosexual preference the same rights as everyone else, because they already have the same rights as everyone else: the right to marry anyone who is legally available to be married to them. What they want is to expand that definition, to change the rights which are available to anyone, and if the argument works for homosexuality, it logically works for pedophilia and incest as well. Friedman’s cast of the argument is simply a canard.

“Is it a country that allows a woman to have control over her body?”

No doubt; but this begs the question of whether or not her unborn child is in fact part of her body. I used to watch Perry Mason when I was a kid, and Perry was always objecting that Hamilton Burger’s questions “assumed facts not in evidence.” Friedman’s guilty of the same thing here.

“Is it a country where the line between church and state bequeathed to us by our Founding Fathers should be inviolate?”

History lesson, Mr. Friedman: Not “Founding Fathers,” but “Founding Father,” as in, one of them: Thomas Jefferson—and he wasn’t around when the Constitution and Bill of Rights were being drafted. The “line between church and state” is in fact a constitutionally dubious interpretation of the religion clause of the First Amendment, one which has been used to deny the actual sense of that clause: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion [in other words, it isn’t allowed to do anything about the establishment of religion one way or the other], or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” There’s been a heck of a lot of “prohibiting the free exercise thereof” done in the name of “separation of church and state,” which ain’t even a constitutional principle.

“Is it a country where religion doesn’t trump science?”

That’s not really the issue. The issue is competing religions—one particular branch (or collection of branches) of Christianity versus the religion of scientism, which is aggressively atheistic. For most on the Christian side of these battles, all we’re fighting for is a level playing field.

“And, most important, is it a country whose president mobilizes its deep moral energies to unite us—instead of dividing us from one another and from the world?”

When those who oppose this president and everything he stands for have done everything in their power to mobilize the country against him, why is it that our divisions are suddenly all his fault? In my experience, it generally takes two to be divided.

Given these questions, it’s probably no wonder that Friedman goes on to declare, “None of the real problems facing the nation were really discussed.” Personally, I’d disagree. Fortunately, we do agree on this:

“Meanwhile, there is a lot of talk that Mr. Bush has a mandate . . . . Yes, he does have a mandate, but he also has a date—a date with history.” Yes, indeed; and following Friedman’s motto, “Never put yourself in a position where your party wins only if your country fails,” I know we’ll both be rooting for President Bush to meet that date honorably and well.