Hooray for the men of the docks

Last week, a Chinese ship anchored off Durban, South Africa to unload a shipment of arms from China for the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe. The South African government refused to stop them—apparently siding with Mugabe’s deputy information minister, who told a South African radio station, “Every country has got a right to acquire arms. There is nothing wrong with that. If they are for Zimbabwe, they will definitely come to Zimbabwe. How they are used, when they are going to be used is none of anybody’s business”—but the South African people did what their government would not do. The workers of the South African Transport and Allied Workers Union, who work the docks of their country’s ports, refused to unload the cargo, effectively stopping the shipment. When a South African court declared that the arms could not be transported across South African soil, the ship raised anchor and set sail. The nearest non-South African port would have been Maputo, Mozambique, but the Mozambican government wouldn’t let the ship into their territorial waters, so it headed off the other way instead, for Luanda, Angola. Here’s hoping the dockworkers there do the same, or perhaps that Namibia and Zambia refuse the arms passage; however it plays out, here’s praying they never get where they’re going.

HT: Gordon Chang

Iraq as a litmus test for presidential seriousness

The great problem with the Iraq War in American politics is that most Americans believe what the media tells them about it, and the media haven’t sought to report accurately and fairly from Iraq; instead, they’ve been trying to use their reporting to score points on the Bush administration and the GOP. As such, lots of people believe we were “lied into war,” when in fact, as Christopher Hitchens has pointed out, that point of view is based on a misunderstanding (or misrepresentation) of what President Bush actually said; lots of people believe that there was no connection between Saddam Hussein and other terrorists, when in fact (as Hitchens also notes), the connection has been clearly established; lots of people believe that the war in Iraq has nothing to do with our war on al’Qaeda, when in fact al’Qaeda itself knows better (see here for the highlights); and lots of people believe our work in Iraq has strengthened al’Qaeda, when in fact they’re a shell of their former organization. The fact is, the surge has largely worked, we’re winning the war, and things in Iraq are getting better, to the point that good reporting is beginning to convince Iraq War opponents they were wrong.

Unfortunately, the MSM are still trying to spin the war for maximum benefit for the Democrats rather than simply reporting it and letting the chips fall where they may. This distorts the public understanding of the situation in Iraq and makes it difficult to have the kind of forthright national discussion that would truly serve our nation well; in particular, it enables those who want an immediate and total withdrawal from Iraq, notwithstanding that (as Israel’s experience in Gaza shows) such an act would only give aid and comfort to our enemies. Now is a critical stage in the evolution of Iraq as a nation, and in our campaign against al’Qaeda; this is exactly the wrong time to back down. As such, this is when we most need sober, dispassionate reflection from the presidential candidates as to what would be the best course to chart in Iraq, because this is perhaps the key test of their seriousness as potential American leaders on the world stage.

With John McCain, we know where he stands; he started pushing for the surge in 2003 in a speech to the Council on Foreign Relations, and has maintained a consistent position ever since, even when that position seemed an insurmountable obstacle for his White House ambitions. That’s consistency, integrity, character, and wisdom of a sort that Barack Obama hasn’t shown with respect to Iraq; where Sen. McCain has situated himself firmly in the internationalist foreign-policy tradition of “people like Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Stimson, Dean Acheson, John Kennedy and Ronald Reagan,” Sen. Obama began a major speech on foreign policy by appealing to Woodrow Wilson. Mismatch, anyone? (No wonder the New York Times has resorted to flat-out dishonesty in attacking Sen. McCain’s foreign-policy credentials.) Ironically, Sen. Obama then went on to make the case for pulling out of Iraq immediately in order to . . . escalate the war in Afghanistan and dramatically increase our involvement in Pakistan. Indeed, in declaring, “For years, we have supported stability over democracy in Pakistan, and gotten neither,” he essentially endorsed the Bush Doctrine. So, Senator—why in Pakistan, but not in Iraq?

On praying for heart attacks

As Robert Mugabe continues to dig in his heels, I’m reminded of a conversation I had a while back with a couple folks I know in Zimbabwe. When we asked them how we should pray for them, one of them said, “Pray that God will strike Mugabe with a lightning bolt.” We were rather taken aback by that, but they know their country can’t begin to recover until Mugabe is gone, and in their view, the only way he’ll leave is feet first. As long as he’s alive, they don’t believe he’ll ever relinquish power. It’s hard to argue with them.

There are those who would have trouble with the idea of praying for the death of our enemies; that point of view came up last summer when the Thinklings discussed this question. Certainly I understand the concern, given that Jesus tells us to love our enemies and pray for those who persecute us; but he doesn’t tell us what to pray for those who persecute us. Clearly, we should strive not to pray anger and hatred against our enemies, but I don’t think that means we can’t or shouldn’t pray that God would bring them down, one way or another. I remain convinced as I was at the time of that discussion that David’s prayers serve as a model for us on this point, boiling down roughly to this: “God, either bring my enemies to repentance or strike them down, I don’t care which, but remove them as my enemies.” As Jared put it at the time, “in extreme cases, in unrepentant, ongoing, debilitating situations of abuse on those who cannot protect themselves, I am driven to pray for God’s justice in a radical deliverance. So the motivation is not ‘kill this person’—it’s ‘make them stop or make them gone.'”

That’s where I am with regard to Robert Mugabe. If God wills to strike him dead, good. If God wills to strike him to his knees in full repentance, good—indeed, better; better that he be redeemed, and besides, with all he’s done, I think for him, repentance would hurt more. But whichever kind of heart attack God may send, I’m praying he sends it soon, for the sake of my friends, and the sake of all Zimbabwe. Amen.

Score one for SCOTUS

The Supreme Court of the United States struck a blow for national sovereignty recently—and along with it, a blow for the separation of powers. Medellín v. Texas is a decision that deals with some weighty issues of domestic and international law, but I think the Court made the right decision; I appreciate that they stood up to an attempt by the Bush administration to overreach the authority of the executive branch, and even more that in doing so they didn’t claim more authority for themselves, but rather upheld the proper sovereignty of the legislative branch. Most of all, I think they were right to say that while the US must honor its treaty obligations, it’s the principles of our own Constitution rather than the diktat of international organizations which determine how we do so.

A further point of interest to this decision, noted by the article to which I’ve linked here, is that it deals a body blow to the efforts of pro-abortion activists to use international organizations and treaties to overrule pro-life laws here in the US; this too is a good thing. In general, I’m not a believer in surrendering any part of our sovereignty to international organizations which all too often don’t have our best interests at heart; I particularly oppose allowing the opinions of folks in other countries to determine important issues like abortion policy.

Keep praying for Zimbabwe

Mugabe’s decided to dig in and fight; the opposition is still standing up to him, but I guess he’s figuring if he just terrorizes Zimbabweans enough, he can make them more afraid of voting him out than of letting him stay in power. Pray he’s wrong—pray the people of Zimbabwe stand up to him and to these tactics and vote him out anyway. And pray that when they do, that somehow, he’ll go quietly. Please keep praying.

Reason for optimism in Zimbabwe

My thanks to everyone who has been praying for Zimbabwe (whether in response to my previous post or for any other reason)—it looks like God may be answering our prayers in the affirmative. According to the latest reports, Robert Mugabe and his aides are looking at the results and beginning to realize that accepting and admitting defeat is their only good option. Of course, they may resist that realization and refuse to do so—they may decide to fight to stay in power—but there’s reason to hope they won’t. There’s reason to hope. Keep praying.

Pray for Zimbabwe; please, pray for Zimbabwe

One of the deep joys of my years in Colorado was the time I spent as a member of the Partnership Committee of the Partnership of Zimbabwe and Denver Presbyteries. The Presbytery of Denver had ended up involved in ministry in Zimbabwe through the work of a couple in one of its churches, and decided in consequence to establish and build a presbytery-to-presbytery relationship with the Presbytery of Zimbabwe, which is part of the Uniting Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa (UPCSA). I was never able to travel to Zimbabwe (though I would have been offered the chance if we hadn’t been leaving), which I regret, but I did have opportunities to meet a few of our partners on their visits to Colorado, and there are a couple whom I consider dearly-loved friends.

Which is why my heart breaks, and has been breaking, for the country of Zimbabwe. I could give you a long list of links about what Robert Mugabe has done to his nation over the last eight years—he was a good leader before that, as long as people kept voting for him, but once the voters began to tire of him, he turned on them; whether he rules well or ill, all that matters to him is keeping power—but I think Peter Godwin summed up the story well enough in the Los Angeles Times, at least for starters. Godwin, who dubbed Mugabe “Zimbabwe’s Ahab,” knows whereof he speaks, as a native Zimbabwean; he’s written several books, including the memoirs Mukiwa: A White Boy in Africa and When a Crocodile Eats the Sun: A Memoir of Africa, and still laments what was lost.

The presidential election is this Saturday, and there are those who have hope that maybe this time, the opposition and the international community will prevail, and the election will bring about the end of the Mugabe government. Please pray that it is so, and with a minimum of bloodshed. Please pray for the peace of Zimbabwe.

The Islamic world is turning on al’Qaeda

So reports the Financial Times—and one big reason is the war in Iraq. Major religious figures, significant theologians of the Islamic world, who previously supported al’Qaeda and its jihadist ideology are now turning against it and denouncing it; what’s more, the “awakening” that began in Anbar province of Iraq, as the people of Anbar turned to side with the US against al’Qaeda, has spread. For all those on the left who have insisted that the invasion of Iraq has done nothing but turn the hearts of people in the Middle East against us, crucially, it is al’Qaeda that is “losing the war of minds”—and if we will stay the course, that could make all the difference.

Inconvenient truth?

The conventional wisdom is that the earth is warming, that it’s the fault of human activity, and that we need to make major changes to reduce CO2 emissions or we’re heading for disaster. Certainly, that’s the line pushed by the scientific and media establishments, and by much of the political establishment as well; as for the cultural elite, they showed their view of the matter when they gave Al Gore an Oscar for his film expounding that point of view, and then topped it off with the Nobel Peace Prize (in one of the stranger awards in the already strange history of the Nobel Prizes).

Which is a very good thing, if this is a real problem. But is it? Is the science really there? Maybe not. For all the worry about shrinking ice caps, for instance, the ice has come back under the Northern Hemisphere’s coldest winter in decades, which has given it its greatest snow cover in over 40 years. For all the concern about polar bears, their population is up. And for all the insistence that global warming is caused by human CO2 emissions, the temperature data and the CO2 data don’t correlate; that’s why 30 years ago, the alarmists were proclaiming that human CO2 emissions were driving a cooling trend that would send us into another ice age.

The fact of the matter is, we know beyond a doubt that the climate has been heating and cooling all through human history; around the turn of the 17th century, we had a “little ice age” that saw the Thames and the Hudson freeze, while earlier, during the Viking period, Greenland was pleasant enough to warrant the name they gave it. We know that the sun’s behavior varies, and it seems likely that fluctuations in solar activity is one of the major drivers in global temperature change; the fact that other planets of our solar system have also been experiencing “global warming” certainly suggests that this is the case. The driving force behind the global-warming argument appears to be not science, but the wisdom of Sir John Houghton, the first person to chair the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change: “Unless we announce disasters, no one will listen.”

That said, does it necessarily follow that we can ignore the question of CO2 emissions, or other forms of pollution? While I think it’s inappropriate of the establishment to smear dissenters as “in the pay of the oil companies,” there are certainly those who oppose the global-warming argument not because it’s bad science, but because they have their own agendas. As Christians, we should be very careful about that. Regardless of the scientific case one way or the other, we have powerful theological reasons to fight pollution; we know from Genesis that God has not given us this planet, but has rather entrusted it to our care as stewards under his authority, and we will most assuredly be called to account for how we have taken care of it. I believe the earth God has made is much more resilient than we often believe, and that our capacity to damage it permanently is quite a bit less impressive than we, in our twisted pride, tend to think—but that in no way frees us from our responsibility to enhance the earth by our labors rather than diminishing it. Will continuing to pump our pollutants into the air cause catastrophic warming that will kill billions of people? I rather doubt it; but if we continue to do so without doing everything we can to clean up our act (bearing in mind that today’s solutions often produce tomorrow’s problems), we’ll still pay for it in the end.

(Update: here’s an excellent column by Thomas Sowell on the subject of global warming.)

A clear-eyed view of the Middle East

courtesy of one of the best observers out there, Reuel Marc Gerecht. Short form: the world out there looks rather different than you’ve probably gathered from the media. The irony of the Democratic Party position on the GWOT (we supported Afghanistan, but not Iraq) is that it’s led to all sorts of assertions that Bush lied to get us into Iraq, that it’s a quagmire, etc., but given the administration a free pass on Afghanistan—and yet, we’re over the hump in Iraq, clearly winning, and have dealt al’Qaeda a heavy body blow there, while we’re losing in Afghanistan, may wind up losing Pakistan as a consequence, and will almost certainly be fighting an actual war up there long after Baghdad is no scarier a duty station than Pusan. Of perhaps greater significance, this administration has never faced up to the immense problem of Saudi Arabia. It may well be that they were hoping to get Iraq stabilized as a trustworthy ally first—an understandable strategy, if so, and a possibility Gerecht doesn’t consider—but probably not; and even if it was, given the time Iraq has taken (and was always going to take), it still wasn’t a good idea in the end.

It’s a bit early yet for a post-mortem on this presidency’s foreign policy, but as we begin to think about that question, the good news is that the grand move for which the administration has been pilloried, the invasion of Iraq, is ending up a great accomplishment. The bad news is, with regard to the Arab/Muslim world as a whole, it’s been their only real accomplishment. Still, on the whole, I agree with Gerecht’s take on this: “Iraq and the war on terror will likely save the president’s legacy in the Middle East.”