On the roots of the crisis and the way forward

Note: I don’t believe our economy is in crisis. To be sure, times are tougher than we’ve grown used to seeing them, but they’re still a long way better than the true crisis points this country has seen in the past. John McCain is right to say that the fundamentals of our economy are still strong; the cracks we’re seeing are real and significant and need to be repaired, but they aren’t going to bring the house down. Certain financial institutions are in crisis due to some very poor decision-making, and this is causing problems for the economy, but I think we need to be careful not to overstate the problem.Rather than panicking, I think we need to ask ourselves where this mess came from and how we’re going to get out of it—and, this being an election year, who’s likeliest to provide the leadership we need. Obviously, I believe that’s Sen. McCain; despite all the disagreements I have with him, he has a record of seeing problems coming and trying to address them, even when such actions aren’t popular. He did it in Iraq, with his advocacy of the surge beginning in 2003, and for all his deprecation of his economic knowledge, he did it in the area of economic policy as well.On my read, the biggest root of the troubles we’re facing has been maladept government involvement in the economy; this has produced a feedback loop in which lobbyists have used money to win passage for federal subsidies of their corporations which have, among other things, given them more money to expand their influence. In 2002, bipartisan legislation in Congress, co-sponsored by Sen. McCain and Rep. Dick Gephardt, would have created a Corporate Subsidy Reform Commission to address this issue. As Peter Wallison tells the story,

The purpose of this group was to eliminate what McCain called “corporate welfare.”In a statement at the time, he noted that “There are more than 100 corporate subsidy programs in the federal budget today, requiring the federal government to spend approximately $65 billion a year . . . These programs provide special benefits or advantages to specific companies or industries at the expense of hard-working taxpayers. In years past, Congress has insisted that it would eliminate the existence of this corporate welfare, but virtually no such program has been eliminated . . . This bill aims to remove the special treatment given to politically powerful industries . . .”

Though not aimed explicitly or solely at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, they definitely stood in the crosshairs of this bill; thus Wallison can say that

as far back as 2002, John McCain realized that underlying what would ultimately become the Fannie and Freddie crisis was the willingness of Congress to provide financial support to private corporations. And he was willing to take on powerful interests to stop this process. If his bill had resulted in action at that time, the unprecedented steps that the Secretary of the Treasury and Congress had to take in the last two weeks would not have been necessary.

Though Congress refused to pass the bill, that wasn’t the end of such efforts; indeed, with respect to the government-backed lenders at the center of the crisis in our financial institutions, it was only the beginning. On September 11, 2003, the Bush administration proposed

the most significant regulatory overhaul in the housing finance industry since the savings and loan crisis a decade ago.Under the plan, disclosed at a Congressional hearing today, a new agency would be created within the Treasury Department to assume supervision of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the government-sponsored companies that are the two largest players in the mortgage lending industry.The new agency would have the authority, which now rests with Congress, to set one of the two capital-reserve requirements for the companies. It would exercise authority over any new lines of business. And it would determine whether the two are adequately managing the risks of their ballooning portfolios.The plan is an acknowledgment by the administration that oversight of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac—which together have issued more than $1.5 trillion in outstanding debt—is broken. A report by outside investigators in July concluded that Freddie Mac manipulated its accounting to mislead investors, and critics have said Fannie Mae does not adequately hedge against rising interest rates.

Unfortunately, Congress rejected this proposal as well; Congressional Democrats led the fight against it as an unwarranted threat to low-income and affordable housing programs.

Among the groups denouncing the proposal today were the National Association of Home Builders and Congressional Democrats who fear that tighter regulation of the companies could sharply reduce their commitment to financing low-income and affordable housing.“These two entities—Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac—are not facing any kind of financial crisis,” said Representative Barney Frank of Massachusetts, the ranking Democrat on the Financial Services Committee. “The more people exaggerate these problems, the more pressure there is on these companies, the less we will see in terms of affordable housing.”Representative Melvin L. Watt, Democrat of North Carolina, agreed. “I don’t see much other than a shell game going on here, moving something from one agency to another and in the process weakening the bargaining power of poorer families and their ability to get affordable housing,” Mr. Watt said.

It’s worth remembering, as these old quotes point out, that it wasn’t all bad motives that created this mess; what people are now calling “irresponsible lending practices” were commended at the time as creative efforts to undo decades of racism in the lending industry and enable poor people to enjoy “the benefits of home ownership.” It worked fine as long as housing values continued to go up; it’s just that most people didn’t think about what would happen when housing prices began to drop.To give Sen. McCain credit, though, he recognized that there was a problem, and in May 2005 he and others took another whack at it:

Mr. President, this week Fannie Mae’s regulator reported that the company’s quarterly reports of profit growth over the past few years were “illusions deliberately and systematically created” by the company’s senior management, which resulted in a $10.6 billion accounting scandal.The Office of Federal Housing Enterprise Oversight’s report goes on to say that Fannie Mae employees deliberately and intentionally manipulated financial reports to hit earnings targets in order to trigger bonuses for senior executives. In the case of Franklin Raines, Fannie Mae’s former chief executive officer, OFHEO’s report shows that over half of Mr. Raines’ compensation for the 6 years through 2003 was directly tied to meeting earnings targets. The report of financial misconduct at Fannie Mae echoes the deeply troubling $5 billion profit restatement at Freddie Mac.The OFHEO report also states that Fannie Mae used its political power to lobby Congress in an effort to interfere with the regulator’s examination of the company’s accounting problems. This report comes some weeks after Freddie Mac paid a record $3.8 million fine in a settlement with the Federal Election Commission and restated lobbying disclosure reports from 2004 to 2005. These are entities that have demonstrated over and over again that they are deeply in need of reform.For years I have been concerned about the regulatory structure that governs Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac–known as Government-sponsored entities or GSEs–and the sheer magnitude of these companies and the role they play in the housing market. OFHEO’s report this week does nothing to ease these concerns. In fact, the report does quite the contrary. OFHEO’s report solidifies my view that the GSEs need to be reformed without delay.I join as a cosponsor of the Federal Housing Enterprise Regulatory Reform Act of 2005, S. 190, to underscore my support for quick passage of GSE regulatory reform legislation. If Congress does not act, American taxpayers will continue to be exposed to the enormous risk that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac pose to the housing market, the overall financial system, and the economy as a whole.I urge my colleagues to support swift action on this GSE reform legislation.

They didn’t; in fact, thanks in large part to Christopher Dodd and his fellow Democrats, the bill never even came to a vote in the Senate. (NB: this was one of those issues the Obama campaign has been lamenting on which Sen. McCain “voted with Bush.” On this one, it doesn’t mean Sen. McCain wasn’t the maverick reformer fighting Washington business as usual—it means President Bush was.) This was highly unfortunate, because as Ed Morrissey correctly says,

In this speech, McCain managed to predict the entire collapse that has forced the government to eat Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, along with Bear Stearns and AIG. He hammers the falsification of financial records to benefit executives, including Franklin Raines and Jim Johnson, both of whom have worked as advisers to Barack Obama this year. McCain also noted the power of their lobbying efforts to forestall oversight over their business practices. He finishes with the warning that proved all too prescient over the past few days and weeks.

Still, Sen. McCain is never one to give up; and so the next year, he tried again; as the Washington Post pointed out,

In 2006, he pushed for stronger regulation of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac—while Mr. Obama was notably silent. cIf Congress does not act, American taxpayers will continue to be exposed to the enormous risk that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac pose to the housing market, the overall financial system, and the economy as a whole,” Mr. McCain warned at the time.

Unfortunately, Congress once again did not act, and Sen. McCain was dead right about the consequences.And what’s Barack Obama’s record in this area? Not great, as the McCain campaign has started pointing out:

As noted, Sen. Obama didn’t back Sen. McCain’s efforts to reform the system. Given what the Center for Responsive Politics discovered, this isn’t surprising. When they tallied up the contributions Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have made to members of Congress over the last 20 years, it was no surprise whose name was #1 on the list: over the last 20 years, Sen. Dodd, the ranking Democrat (and thus current chair) on the Senate Banking Committee, collected $165,400 from the corporations’ PACs and employees. The surprise was who placed second: in less than four years in office, Sen. Obama had already raked in $126, 349 (most of that from corporate employees) to pass John Kerry and hit #2 with a bullet.

As well, Sen. Obama has made a place for ex-Fannie Mae CEOs Franklin Raines and James Johnson; according to the Washington Post, he’s been “seeking [Raines’] advice on mortgage and housing policy matters” (never mind that Raines “stepped down as Fannie Mae‘s chief executive under the shadow of a $6.3 billion accounting scandal”), while Johnson was the head of his VP search committee. The Obama campaign didn’t like it when the McCain campaign pointed out this connection with Raines:

and I’m sure they won’t like this ad focusing on James Johnson, either:

but though they’re getting increasingly fond of calling any sort of criticism “lies,” even their allies recognize that that won’t wash. The Obama campaign has also tried to respond by distorting Sen. McCain’s record in this area, but even the Washington Post caught them on it:

TO LISTEN to Sen. Barack Obama, Sen. John McCain is a Johnny-come-lately to the cause of regulating financial markets. “He has consistently opposed the sorts of common-sense regulations that might have lessened the current crisis,” Mr. Obama said in New Mexico yesterday. “When I was warning about the danger ahead on Wall Street months ago because of the lack of oversight, Senator McCain was telling the Wall Street Journal—and I quote—‘I’m always for less regulation.’”But the full quotation from Mr. McCain’s March interview with the Journal’s editorial board belies Mr. Obama‘s one-sided rendition. The Republican candidate went on to say, “But I am aware of the view that there is a need for government oversight. I think we found this in the subprime lending crisis—that there are people that game the system and if not outright broke the law, they certainly engaged in unethical conduct which made this problem worse. So I do believe that there is role for oversight.”

The fact of the matter is, Sen. Obama likes to talk about himself as an agent of change, but when it came to efforts to bring change to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac before it was too late, he was firmly ranged on the side of the status quo. When it comes to the AIG bailout, he seems to be trying to take both sides at once; one might be forgiven the sense that he doesn’t understand the situation well enough to take a position on it, given that his initial statement got the company’s name wrong. Unfortunately, the decision of the Democratic leadership of Congress to declare themselves incompetent to deal with the crisis and refuse to address it isn’t going to help that perception any; it will be hard for them to live down this opening from the Bloomberg News report:

The Democratic-controlled Congress, acknowledging that it isn’t equipped to lead the way to a solution for the financial crisis and can’t agree on a path to follow, is likely to just get out of the way.

Ouch. Under ordinary circumstances, now that Sen. McCain has started talking in more detail about his economic plan, you’d expect the Democrats to start going after him about it; but that abdication of their responsibilities is going to make it hard for them to do so. After all, at least he has a plan—and if the media can’t drown him out, the contrast alone is going to make him look like the real leader in this race.Update: I appreciate what the Anchoress has to say about the Congressional “leadership”:

If the Democrats have forgotten how to lead, then they need to look to NYC Mayor Rudy Giuliani on 9/11, and pattern some leadership based upon how he responded to the challenges of that day. It’s the most basic lesson of leadership, but the one that matters the most: When there is a serious problem, you acknowledge the gravity of the situation, and then—even if you are discreetly looking for outside expertise to address the crisis—you STAY WHERE YOU ARE and you deal straight with the nation, and keep them apprised of the rescue and recovery operation. It’s okay to admit you don’t know anything . . . but you tell the nation, “we’re going to come through this, and we’ll be the stronger for it; we’re going to work together to make sure everything that needs seeing to is seen to. We are here; we know this is bad. Trust us to understand what you need. Yes, this is frightening for us, too, but we are here to lead; we will not abandon you.”The Democrats are saying they can’t do that. They’re saying they have not the tools to lead. To obstruct, yes, to vilify, yes, to blame, yes…but not to actually lead us out of an economic ground zero. They’re admitting they can’t lead us out of the hole; they’re just running to make sure they can stay safe.I am very glad to read Reid’s admission that “No one knows what to do” . . . except it’s not really true. . . . [John McCain] is showing leadership. He is not telling you “we don’t know what to do.” He is not telling you “there are no answers.” He’s telling you this is going to be hard, but we’re going to get through it. He is being Rudy Giuliani on 9/11.

And here’s a helpful analysis of where we need to go from here.

On a lighter note: McCain sings Streisand

This is one of the funniest things I’ve seen in a while—which, considering some of the screwy things that have come out of this election season, is saying quite a bit.

HT: Eric Trager(NB: I’m going to try to find a copy of this video without the little ad for M90.org on it; apparently that’s not the sort of site I’d want to endorse, to put it mildly, so I recommend you not go exploring. Thanks to Tyler Dawn for letting me know about that; see her comment for more information.)

Barack Obama, Bill Ayers, and Chicago schools

Via Hugh Hewitt, I’ve found an interesting piece on Barack Obama’s relationship with the Ayers family and his involvement in the Chicago Annenberg Challenge. The author, Steve Diamond, is a California law professor and no conservative—more like a Naderite liberal, by the sound of it—but he expresses considerable concern over authoritarianism in the global labor movement and its links to authoritarian movements and tendencies in the political arena. Per the author’s expressed wishes, I won’t excerpt the piece here—I’ll simply recommend you read it, and consider the ramifications of the answer he offers to the question “Who ‘sent’ Obama?” It offers an interesting angle on the Obama campaign’s efforts to suppress any inquiries into the details of the Annenberg Challenge.

Where are the defenders of privacy now?

The folks of the pro-abortion lobby would have you believe that they hold a woman’s privacy as sacrosanct.Apparently, that only applies to liberal women. Conservative women, in their view, don’t have rights—they’ve forfeited them from the heinous crime of departing from liberal orthodoxy.If what’s been done to Sarah Palin and her family this time doesn’t make you sick, and worried about the direction politics is taking in this country, then you don’t deserve this country. There is absolutely no place in political discourse for hacking into a candidate’s e-mail, much less using that to publish their e-mails, e-mail addresses, unlisted numbers, private photos, and voicemail messages. If the Bush administration did this to terrorists, these folks would be rioting in the streets—but if you do it to a Republican, it’s OK?For shame. For shame!

Did Barack Obama try to manipulate Iraq?

So says Amir Taheri in an article in the New York Post:

WHILE campaigning in public for a speedy withdrawal of US troops from Iraq, Sen. Barack Obama has tried in private to persuade Iraqi leaders to delay an agreement on a draw-down of the American military presence. According to Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari, Obama made his demand for delay a key theme of his discussions with Iraqi leaders in Baghdad in July. “He asked why we were not prepared to delay an agreement until after the US elections and the formation of a new administration in Washington,” Zebari said in an interview.

The McCain campaign, in the person of Randy Scheunemann, had this to say:

At this point, it is not yet clear what official American negotiations Senator Obama tried to undermine with Iraqi leaders, but the possibility of such actions is unprecedented. It should be concerning to all that he reportedly urged that the democratically-elected Iraqi government listen to him rather than the US administration in power. If news reports are accurate, this is an egregious act of political interference by a presidential candidate seeking political advantage overseas. Senator Obama needs to reveal what he said to Iraq’s Foreign Minister during their closed door meeting. The charge that he sought to delay the withdrawal of Americans from Iraq raises serious questions about Senator Obama’s judgment and it demands an explanation.

The Obama campaign defended their candidate by saying that

in fact, Obama had told the Iraqis that they should not rush through a “Strategic Framework Agreement” governing the future of US forces until after President George W. Bush leaves office.

As a defense, that leaves much to be desired, since it essentially confirms Taheri’s report; they tried to split hairs over which agreement they were talking about and used the word “rush” instead of the word “delay.” It’s nothing more than spin, and pretty thin spin at that. What’s more, it may have been a mistake, as it provoked a rebuttal from Taheri in which he analyzed and dismantled the Obama campaign’s response.Technically speaking, Sen. Obama acted in violation of the Logan Act which “prohibits any private citizen or party from negotiating with a foreign power in matters of national policy or military action”; this has led to a few people asking if he should be prosecuted, though wiser heads have correctly said that criminalizing political conduct is a bad idea and should be avoided (even if Joe Biden didn’t get the memo). That said, his actions clearly merit some sort of censure or rebuke from the Senate, and call into question not only his judgment but his political integrity. Personally, I find the latter more disturbing than the former; Pete Hegseth, on the other hand, takes the opposite view:

I believe, rather, that the underlying naivety of Obama’s overtures is the more disturbing lesson to be distilled from this discovery.It’s not just that Sen. Obama doesn’t believe in the mission in Iraq, it’s that he still doesn’t get it (to plagiarize from the senator himself). Fundamentally, he doesn’t understand the mission in Iraq, what it takes to win a war, or the ramifications of the outcome of this war for the U.S.’s enduring national security. He just doesn’t get it.In Obama’s world, foreign-policy contorts to meet domestic politics, and commanding generals accommodate arbitrary political timelines. From his perspective, facts on a foreign battlefield exist to the extent they comport with his judgment, rather than his judgment comporting to facts on a foreign battlefield.Despite recognizing security gains in Iraq, Sen. Obama continues to declare the surge a strategic failure because it hasn’t created necessary political progress—an assertion that has been patently false for some time now. Nonetheless, Senator Obama won’t adjust his stance before the election because, as Taheri so aptly points out, “to be credible, his foreign-policy philosophy requires Iraq to be seen as a failure, a disaster, a quagmire.” . . .Once again, Sen. Obama and his fellow Democrats continue to insist that they know better than generals. They won’t let the facts get in the way of a good political narrative. Taheri’s article is the latest crack in the facade of Sen. Obama and his fellow travelers, and signals their flip, naïve, and self-serving approach to strategic objectives on the battlefield.

This is an explosive story. In considering all this, I can’t help thinking of the howls we’d be hearing if such a charge were laid against a Republican—and I’m not alone in that:

Obama should be compelled to provide some basic facts: who was present, what record of the meeting exists and what precisely was he communicating to the Iraqis. If we had an independent, truly adversarial press (that is one not adversarial just towards one candidate), they would be screaming for this plus access to those present at the meeting. Can you imagine if John McCain were accused of asking a foreign government to accelerate or retard progress on a matter of national security because of the upcoming election?That may or may not be what happened here. But it is time to start asking hard questions.

Who’s lying here?

I never cared for the McCain campaign’s “Education” ad; throwing in the Illinois sex-ed bill and calling it his “one accomplishment” was a cheap shot, in my book. (It was also bad politics, since it took all the attention from the actual point of the ad.)

That said, I also don’t care for the Obama campaign and the MSM getting away with labeling Sen. McCain a liar when the ad’s description of the bill is, in fact, accurate—as Brit Hume points out, quoting from the bill itself:

HT: Jennifer RubinAs Byron York points out,

Obama’s explanation for his vote [that he voted for it because of his concern over inappropriate touching] has been accepted by nearly all commentators. And perhaps that is indeed why he voted for Senate Bill 99, although we don’t know for sure. But we do know that the bill itself was much more than that. The fact is, the bill’s intention was to mandate sex education, especially concerning contraception and the prevention of sexually-transmitted diseases, for children before the sixth grade and as early as kindergarten. Obama’s defenders may howl, but the bill is what it is.

Update: Here’s what Sen. Obama told Planned Parenthood last year about this:

sex education for kindergarteners, as long as it is “age-appropriate,” is “the right thing to do.”

Obama, Prince of Denmark: To drill or not to drill

I’ve been meaning to post on this for a while now: amid the posturing and the squabbling over offshore drilling, there was an interesting contradiction in Barack Obama’s acceptance speech a few weeks ago that few people have caught but that’s worth pointing out. I suspect the reason so few people have caught it is that it takes someone in the energy business, like The Thinklings‘ Bill Roberts, to see it:

Tonight, Obama said that drilling is a “stopgap measure”, not a solution. Right after that he said he’s going to promote clean-burning Natural Gas.Which is great, because the company I work for explores for and produces natural gas.But that’s where it gets weird: to get to natural gas you have to drill for it. And there are trillions of cubic feet of it in the outer continental shelf (OCS) that we’ve all been arguing about all this time.It gets even more complicated: It’s extremely common to get BOTH natural gas and oil out of the same wellbore.Sometimes natural gas is on top of the oil, kind of like a “cap” (and water is often under the oil—oil floats on water). So many wells produce all three products—water, gas, and oil. Sometimes the gas is dissolved in the produced oil and is separated when it gets to the surface.But, bottom line—it makes no sense to say no to drilling while simultaneously touting natural gas.I realize this is probably boring to many of you, but because I work with people who do the work to find the darn stuff, I found that to be a pretty interesting comment.

What this shows is that, like most of us (including Nancy Pelosi and the rest of the leadership in Congress), Sen. Obama doesn’t really know much about energy production and the issues related to it. That’s hardly surprising, but it does mean that at a time when energy prices are a major concern in our economy—and when, as John McCain and Sarah Palin have both pointed out more than once, oil and gas imports are a major foreign-policy concern—the Democratic presidential candidate is offering policy prescriptions in this critical area that are based not on actual knowledge of that area but rather on ideology and political convenience. Thus we see him doing things like “saying no to drilling while simultaneously touting natural gas,” just because he doesn’t know enough to know that he’s contradicted himself.This is one of the things which makes Sen. McCain’s choice of Gov. Palin so striking. She’s taken flak from both sides of the aisle for not being broadly and deeply versed in foreign policy and matters of national security, and he’s taken flak for choosing a nominee who lacks that kind of understanding; and there’s no question that she has a lot to learn in that area, and that the wisdom of choosing her as the VP nominee will depend to a considerable extent on her ability to do so quickly. That said, however, what she does have that’s far harder to find is a broad and deep understanding, both at the political level and at the down-and-dirty practical level, of the energy industry, energy policy, and all its manifold ramifications. She knows how to address these issues, and she’s managed to do so without ending up in Big Oil’s pocket, which is probably almost as valuable. At a time when energy policy is critically important both domestically and internationally, when the GOP nominee for President is already more than qualified to handle national-security issues but is not conversant with energy issues, I think Gov. Palin’s expertise in this area is a powerful qualification—and a pointed contrast to the ignorance on the Democratic ticket.

Positive feminist perspectives on Sarah Palin

As Jonah Goldberg and the Anchoress, among many others, have commented on, there’s been a veritable avalanche of hysterical attacks on Sarah Palin from various liberal feminists; I suggested earlier that a lot of liberals were furious that the GOP put a conservative woman on the ticket—how dare they!—and the more recent wave seems to bear that out. A number of feminists are even going so far as to deal with the cognitive dissonance of Gov. Palin’s existence by denying that she’s really a woman. (Shades of Elizabeth Moon.)They are not, however, the only voices out there. Though fewer, there have also been liberal feminists who have expressed appreciation for Gov. Palin, even as they disagree with her positions. Perhaps the most important such voice is the redoubtable Camille Paglia, whose essay in Salon is profoundly important; though her description of Gov. Palin’s “brand new style of muscular American feminism” has drawn the most attention, she has a number of important things to say. I was particularly struck by her critique of her own party:

The witch-trial hysteria of the past two incendiary weeks unfortunately reveals a disturbing trend in the Democratic Party, which has worsened over the past decade. Democrats are quick to attack the religiosity of Republicans, but Democratic ideology itself seems to have become a secular substitute religion. Since when did Democrats become so judgmental and intolerant? Conservatives are demonized, with the universe polarized into a Manichaean battle of us versus them, good versus evil. Democrats are clinging to pat group opinions as if they were inflexible moral absolutes. The party is in peril if it cannot observe and listen and adapt to changing social circumstances. . . .It is nonsensical and counterproductive for Democrats to imagine that pro-life values can be defeated by maliciously destroying their proponents. And it is equally foolish to expect that feminism must for all time be inextricably wed to the pro-choice agenda. There is plenty of room in modern thought for a pro-life feminism—one in fact that would have far more appeal to third-world cultures where motherhood is still honored and where the Western model of the hard-driving, self-absorbed career woman is less admired. But the one fundamental precept that Democrats must stand for is independent thought and speech. When they become baying bloodhounds of rigid dogma, Democrats have committed political suicide.

Also of interest is a perspective from the British press, Rebecca Johnson in the Telegraph:

Politics be damned, Palin was a woman and she was an Alaskan! Moreover, I had been impressed with her when I interviewed her—not for her politics (I’m one of those east coast liberals she doesn’t care about) but for the other things that people across the country are responding to right now: her warmth, her work ethic, her “can-do” attitude.We should celebrate what is groundbreaking about Sarah Palin: a card-carrying member of Feminists for Life is a big step forward from Housewives for Life. And then we should talk about the issues.

Finally, DeeDee Myers offered the Obama campaign some wise advice in The New Republic, making the case that they should leave Gov. Palin alone:

What Sarah Palin has done, and this is something I like about her, is that she’s a women who has succeeded very much on her own terms. She talks about motherhood as a training ground for leadership; she manages and balances her family and her work in her own way. It’s very hard to see where her family ends and her work begins. I think a lot of women see their lives that way. Not everyone’s going to go out and shoot a moose and put their hair up in a bun and put on their sexy open-toe shoes and go to dinner. . . . But does everybody have to be lock-step on every issue? Or can somebody who’s outside—in Sarah Palin’s case, very much outside—the traditional feminist agenda still move the ball forward for women? I think the answer is yes. When I hear Pat Buchanan on TV, decrying sexism in the media, you know? This is not all bad. . . . I don’t know where abortion rights are going to end up in all this, and honestly that concerns me, but I think we need to find a different language to talk about it. I think that there are more women who identify with Sarah Palin than Gloria Steinem right now. Even if they don’t agree with 100 percent of her agenda, her life looks more like their lives.

HT: Jennifer RubinUpdate: see also Camille Paglia’s latest contribution on Sarah Palin, and this comment from Elaine Lafferty, the former editor-in-chief of Ms. magazine.

What ABC didn’t show you

Check out this article on the various pieces of Charlie Gibson’s first interview with Sarah Palin. Looking at the parts of the transcript that weren’t aired, it’s clear this wasn’t just editing for length—it was editing to put as bad a face as possible on Gov. Palin’s answers. No surprise, but if you really want to know how well Gov. Palin understands foreign policy, read the article—and then go on and read the transcript.It’s enough to make me think that Glenn Reynolds is right: politicians who agree to interviews should bring their own cameras and post the raw video themselves so that people can see what really happened.