I’ve been meaning to post on this for several months now, and have kept getting sidetracked; which is unfortunate, because when Illinois Rep. Henry Hyde passed away on November 29 of last year, American politics lost both one of its most colorful and interesting characters, and one of its most profound conservative thinkers. Rep. Hyde was probably best known, and of greatest significance, for his long-running legislative advocacy of the pro-life movement, but his influence was felt across a great many subjects, perhaps most notably in his work as chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, and in his deep interest in foreign policy. He was a man of great gifts and great character, but what really made him a great American was his understanding of what his job required of him; as he once told a group of newly-elected members of Congress, “Permit me to suggest, on the basis of long experience, that if you don’t know what you’re prepared to lose your seat for, you’re going to do a lot of damage up here. You have to know what you’re willing to lose everything for if you’re going to be the kind of member of Congress this country needs.” Henry Hyde knew exactly what he was willing to lose everything for; and our country is by far the better for it. Requiescat in pace.
Category Archives: Politics
The real uniter in the race?
Well, if you look at the record, of the three remaining candidates, who’s produced the most bipartisan legislative solutions?
Sen. John McCain. As Charles Krauthammer concludes, “Yes, John McCain—intemperate and rough-edged, of sharp elbows and even sharper tongue. Turns out that uniting is not a matter of rhetoric or manner, but of character and courage.”
Concerns about Obama beginning to arise
I’m not one for links posts, but between the flu and this other crud, I have very little energy for thought, and the articles that I thought I might comment on are piling up. So, thematic links post on the Obama worries and caveats that are starting to percolate. (Which doesn’t mean, btw, that he’s a bad guy or unworthy to be president; it just means he’s human. In his domestic life, of course, his wife has never let us forget that. As a politician, though, his essential appeal has been the image that he’s better than everyone else, that he can lead us into a new political age, and all that; which makes relatively small black marks look much worse than they would for everyone else, because a large part of his campaign has been that he doesn’t have any.) The majority of these I found through RealClearPolitics.
Sen. Obama: all hat, no cattle?
Obama the Messiah of Generation Narcissism (Kathleen Parker)
Obama Lacks Reagan’s Audacity (Blake Dvorak): To wit, where Reagan won by proudly raising the conservative banner his party scorned and carrying it all the way to the White House (“Reagan’s response to the charge of being a conservative was, Yes, I am. And here’s why you should be, too'”), Sen. Obama has refused to do that for liberalism, despite being more liberal than Reagan was conservative.
Would President Obama really help our image abroad?
Certainly that’s one of the cases he’s making for himself, that he would restore America’s international popularity (something Sen. Clinton is also saying she would do). Would his pledged actions in fact accomplish that? Maybe not.
“A senior Latin American diplomat says, ‘We might find ourselves nostalgic for Bush, who is brave on trade.'” This from Fareed Zakaria, one of those observers who should always be taken seriously. This one applies to both Democratic contenders, of course.
Obama’s First 100 Days (Michael Gerson)
The Myth of America’s Unpopularity (Michael Gerson): The fact is, as the Pew report shows, we really aren’t that unpopular in most of the world. (As long as we don’t send troops, anyway.) I can attest to this, at least for some countries, and I know others who would say the same about other parts of the world.
Is Sen. Obama just another Chicago pol?
I don’t know, and I hope the answer is “no,” but I suspect we’ll know more than we want to before all’s said and done.
Barack Obama and Me (Todd Spivak): The brief memoirs of a journalist who covered Sen. Obama during his days in the Illinois State Senate.
Beyond that, go here if you want to dive into the Rezko story. I had thought Sen. Obama a Democrat I could respect, even if he’s far too liberal to vote for; I hope I wasn’t wrong.
And . . . can he handle the scrutiny?
Folks in the media are starting to wonder.
John McCain, supply-side conservative?
Maybe so—he’s letting Phil Gramm develop his economic policy. (Actually, it sounds like Sen. Gramm has effectively become not just his chief economic advisor, but his chief political advisor.) Apparently, though I hadn’t known it, the two have been close friends for a long time, and Sen. Gramm considers Sen. McCain a strong ally as well; certainly he endorsed Sen. McCain in ringing terms. It sounds, further, like a McCain administration might well resurrect the old conservative dream of Phil Gramm as Treasury Secretary; so far, Sen. Gramm is saying he wouldn’t want to do that, but I suspect that one way or another, he’d end up the primary influence on economic policy—Sen. McCain admits it isn’t his strong suit, and it’s clear that he’s identified Sen. Gramm as the person whose advice he should follow in that area. (Given Sen. McCain’s strong record of opposition to special interests and pork-barrel spending, the real allegiance between these two men should be clear; this is no marriage of convenience.) If that doesn’t allay the concerns of fiscal conservatives, I’m not sure what could. It certainly allays mine.
William F. Buckley, RIP
The father of modern conservatism died this morning of emphysema at the age of 82. The founder of National Review, the host of “Firing Line,” the man largely responsible for untangling the conservative movement from the likes of the John Birch Society, the man who did more than anyone else to make the ascendancy of Ronald Reagan possible—the man who, as William Kristol said, “legitimized conservatism as an intellectual movement and therefore as a political movement”—is gone. He leaves behind a political landscape vastly different than the one he found in 1955 when, in the first issue of NR, he committed himself to “stand athwart history, yelling Stop”; and while I know those on the left will disagree, I firmly believe that landscape is the better for his efforts—as is evidenced, I think, in the fact that even many on the left loved and respected him. (The same cannot be said, alas, for many of those who consider themselves his heirs.) Perhaps more importantly, he leaves behind a great many people whose lives were personally enriched by his friendship, leadership, guidance, and assistance, and a great many more who were richly blessed by his work. He was a great American, and he will be greatly missed.
Missing the point on McCain?
So Bill Keller, executive editor of the New York Times, responded to criticism of the paper’s recent piece on John McCain by . . . apologizing? Explaining that they have actual evidence for their contentions, and giving good reasons why they didn’t print it? Retracting the story? No; he responded by blaming the readers.
Frankly, I was a little surprised by how few readers saw what was, to us, the larger point of the story. . . . [that] this man who prizes his honor above all things and who appreciates the importance of appearances, also has a history of being sometimes careless about the appearance of impropriety, about his reputation.
Now, leave aside for a moment whether you believe this defense or not, or indeed whether you believe it qualifies as a defense or not, and just look at what he’s saying. First, Keller says that Sen. McCain “prizes his honor above all things,” which isn’t quite true but is certainly close enough for journalistic work. Then he says that Sen. McCain “appreciates the importance of appearances,” and then that the point of the story is that the senator actually has a pattern of not appreciating the importance of appearances. It would seem, then, that the assertion that Sen. McCain “appreciates the importance of appearances” rests not on the senator’s behavior, but on the preceding statement that he “prizes his honor.”
In other words, if I’m parsing this correctly, Keller’s defense of his paper’s story rests on the assumption that caring about honor means caring about appearances—which is to say, that honor is the same thing as reputation. I’m not surprised to find the NYT thinking this way, but I very much doubt that Sen. McCain makes this mistake; indeed, if he did, he would never have ended up with the public persona he has. You don’t earn the label of a straight-shooting maverick who’ll offend your friends as soon as your enemies if you’re concerned about appearances; that one is earned precisely by caring about the reality of honor so much that you’re willing to let your reputation swing in the wind. As the sci-fi/fantasy author Lois McMaster Bujold has one of her characters say,
Reputation is what other people know about you. Honor is what you know about yourself. Guard your honor; let your reputation fall where it may.
I think Sen. McCain knows the truth of that; demonstrably, the New York Times doesn’t. We’d be better off if they did.
This is how you play the game
It’s been interesting reading the avalanche of media commentary on the New York Times‘ would-be hatchet job on Senator John McCain; at bottom, they mostly seem to come down to the conclusion that the Grey Lady just didn’t have the goods, and shouldn’t have let itself be stampeded into running the story without them. At this point, it looks like little harm has been done to the senator’s well-earned reputation as the most difficult man on Capitol Hill. Perhaps more interesting, though, has been watching the McCain campaign’s response, and its sequelae. Almost immediately, they said they were “going to war with the New York Times,” and they have, with deadly efficiency; he was sharp enough to hire Robert Bennett, a veteran of D.C.’s brutal infighting, to represent him, and Bennett has been particularly effective at dismantling the Times‘ case.
The campaign’s goal has been not merely to defuse this story, but to use it to bring the senator’s conservative critics on board. It’s been working, because at the same time as the campaign has been using this to reel them in, conservative pundits like Rush Limbaugh have also been trying to use the NYT’s attack—to pull Sen. McCain in a more conservative direction. The message is clear (and Limbaugh made it explicit): “Stop trying to be liberal enough to keep the media happy with you—if you’re the Republican nominee, they’re going to hate you and try to take you down regardless. Stand up and be a conservative—you might as well be hanged for a sheep as for a goat.” I think it will work to some extent (I’ve argued before that conservatives can expect this, after all); the interesting thing will be to see to what extent, and how quickly. In any case, watching the maneuvering between the campaign and the conservative media establishment, each trying to leverage this story to shift the other, is a fascinating lesson in how you play the game of politics in this country. One more for the textbooks.
Update: David Brooks has an extremely interesting column in today’s Times on a longstanding, deep, and bitter rift between Sen. McCain’s two long-time chief advisors—his campaign manager, Rick Davis, and the one source mentioned by name in the original Times piece, John Weaver. Though it isn’t clear how, it seems very likely that this vicious rivalry played some part in the story.
The value of experience
The president who came to office with the most glittering array of experiences had served 10 years in the House of Representatives, then became minister to Russia, then served 10 years in the Senate, then four years as secretary of state (during a war that enlarged the nation by 33 percent), then was minister to Britain. Then, in 1856, James Buchanan was elected president and in just one term secured a strong claim to the rank as America’s worst president. Abraham Lincoln, the inexperienced former one-term congressman, had an easy act to follow.
Thank you, George Will. (Though it should be noted, of course, that Lincoln was an extraordinary individual; it need scarcely be said that not every former one-term congressman would have done quite so well.)
Two cheers for political polarization
I know I’ve lamented the polarization of American politics in this space before; but then, I’ve also argued at least once for the value of historical perspective, and with a dose of perspective, I may have to rethink my lament. In a brilliant essay in the Wilson Quarterly titled “In Praise of the Values Voter,” Jon A. Shields (an assistant professor of political science at the University of Colorado-Colorado Springs) makes a strong case that “political polarization has improved civic life”—a statement I would never have thought to read. Apparently, however, our current polarized state, with strong ideological divisions between the two parties, was deliberately induced by activists of the Left who believed, in the words of a special committee of the American Political Science Association, that “the ‘ailment’ of American parties was their absence of ideological cohesion, a condition that had dangerously slowed ‘the heartbeat of American democracy.’” The response to this was an effort to reform the system which was motivated, according to James Q. Wilson, by “a desire to moralize public life.” Such an effort was bound to increase controversy and partisanship, but people like Tom Hayden embraced that, saying it would “vivify” a political system they perceived as demoralized, paralyzed, and devoid of any real meaning.
The irony in all this, as Dr. Shields notes, is that now they and their heirs are “mounting a counterattack against their own revolution,” in large part because “‘values voters’ . . . turned out to have the wrong values.” In Dr. Shields’ analysis, the project launched by the New Left did indeed breathe new life into the American political system—but it did so in large part by strengthening the conservatives they despised; where liberal political scientists assumed that “liberal Democrats would benefit from the hardening of party differences,” the opposite has turned out to be the case, and so now they badly want to push the djinn back in the bottle. Unfortunately for them—but maybe, just maybe, fortunately for our country as a whole, however exhausting the current state of things often is—it ain’t going.
(My thanks to Fr. Richard John Neuhaus for his essay, also excellent, which pointed me to Dr. Shields’ piece.)
Rice for Veep
Condoleezza Rice, that is—just the thought has The Nation worried. They’re thinking for Sen. McCain, but I think she’d be equally good for Gov. Huckabee in the (increasingly unlikely) event that he ends up with the nomination. On the symbolism front, her presence on the ticket would balance the Democrats; what’s more, she would be an incredible campaigner, since she’s charismatic, tough, and deadly in debate. For Gov. Huckabee, she would shore up his greatest weakness, the widespread distrust of his ability to handle foreign policy; for Sen. McCain, she would amplify his greatest strength. (She might also help address his greatest weakness, the distrust he’s earned among the party’s evangelical wing; though not known primarily for her views on domestic policy, she is herself an evangelical and is well regarded among evangelicals.) Plus, she’s already a national figure with significant experience in the Executive Branch. Her presence on the ticket obviously wouldn’t address charges that Sen. McCain (or for that matter, Gov. Huckabee) “isn’t a real conservative,” but I would think that those could be addressed in other ways. (My preferred thought at the moment would be to bring Gov. Romney aboard the campaign as presumptive nominee for Secretary of the Treasury.)
Rice for running mate. If she’ll take it, who better?