Electoral musings, part I

Interesting election, huh? I’ve been amused by the debate over whether or not the President and the Republican Party have a “mandate”—lots of crossing commentary on that point, with some saying it’s no mandate because the country is deeply divided, while on the other hand some have even gone so far as to deny that the country is divided because Bush won a record number of votes (never mind that that’s a matter of population growth and turnout, and that his 3% margin of victory wasn’t exactly overwhelming). I’m amused because none of that really matters: he and the party won a majority, which is pretty much the bottom line.

Anyway, courtesy of sites like RealClearPolitics, I think I’ve read most of the major stuff that’s been published on this election the last couple of days. There’s been a lot of great analysis; as usual, the basic primer has already been written by the indispensable Howard Fineman of Newsweek (“A Sweet Victory . . . and a Tough Loss”). Fineman is right to make the point that Kerry in many ways ran a poor campaign, a point also made well by the LA Times‘ Matea Gold (though with no help from a grammatically-challenged headline writer: “Kerry Failed Boldly to Portray Himself”) . There’s also been, in general, a pretty thoughtful and respectful spirit, marked by the understanding that the worst that could happen isn’t Our Guy Losing, but another case of election-by-litigation reminiscent of 2000 (see Anne Appelbaum’s column in the Washington Post, “Accept the Verdict”—registration required, but it’s free).

Unfortunately, there have been exceptions, and they haven’t all been limited to blogosphere eruptions like Altercation. To be sure, from the more liberal parts of the blogosphere, one can only expect statements that “The problem is just this: Slightly more than half of the citizens of this country simply do not care about what those of us in the ‘reality-based community’ [i.e., liberals] say or believe about anything”—a statement breathtaking for its arrogance and contempt. What is concerning is that this same attitude has shown up in the more respectable print media.

The editor of The New Republic, Peter Beinart, for instance, felt justified in opening his latest column, “What Went Wrong?” with this paragraph: “The other side may be euphoric, but the intensity of their happiness can’t match the intensity of our despair. Honest conservatives, even those who admire President Bush, know he didn’t earn a second term. They know he staked his presidency on a catastrophe, and that, by all rights, Iraq should be his political epitaph. Their victory, while sweet, can’t be fully enjoyed because it isn’t fully deserved.” Excuse me? The presumptuousness in those sentences is nothing short of breathtaking. It reminds me of arguing with my younger brother when we were kids—he would say, “I know I’m right, you know I’m right, you just won’t admit it.” Apparently, Beinart believes that just because he thinks Iraq is “a catastrophe,” therefore everybody else must think so too. As it happens, there are other views of the situation.

Later on in his piece, Beinart declares, “Cultural sensitivity is one thing; principle is another. . . . The fact that [gay marriage] is widely unpopular cannot obscure the fact that it is morally momentous and morally right.” Uh-huh. A flat assertion, “I’m right and you’re in the wrong.” Why do I have the feeling that he would consider an equal but opposite assertion (“The fact that gay marriage is widely popular among the elites cannot obscure the fact that it is morally momentous and morally wrong”) to be the worst form of bigotry? What, in his view, makes his beliefs right and his opponents’ bigoted except who holds them? I’m a firm believer in moral absolutes, but it does seem to me that for those of us not wearing the prophetic mantle, the language of absolutes needs to be spoken with just a little more humility—we need to speak and write out of the awareness that our perceptions are always, at best, fuzzy around the edges, and that our understanding is never equal to the truths we perceive. As such, even if he were correct (which I don’t believe he is), that statement would be hubristic.

Of course, anyone who feels justified in describing “Tom DeLay’s America” as “craven toward the economically powerful and vicious toward the economically weak, contemptuous of open debate and thuggish toward an increasingly embittered world” clearly has never encountered the concept that one should always give one’s opponents credit for good motives until proven otherwise; he truly does seem to believe that conservatives, deep down, must logically share his view of the world, and thus that conservative opposition to his favored policies must stem from base motives. Not fair, not just, and not right. Wasn’t stereotyping supposed to be a bad word?

Note: in his column of 11/12, Beinart wrote this: “In my last column (“What Went Wrong,” November 15), I wrote, ‘Honest conservatives, even those who admire Bush, know he didn’t earn a second term.’ That was a poor way of expressing my point: that, judging from the president’s low approval rating and the large percentage of people who felt the country was on the ‘wrong track,’ Bush had not convinced most Americans he deserved a second term. They gave him one because of their reservations about Kerry. My argument was a political, not a moral, one. I have no doubt that many honest conservatives believe Bush is a good, even great, president, and that, in their eyes, he has earned a second term.” I still disagree, but the restatement does take the arrogance of the column down a notch.

Posted in Politics, Uncategorized.

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