Trading excuses for grace

Ray Ortlund, as usual, goes right to the heart of things:

The world is a mess, and it’s always someone else’s fault. Every rational person on the face of the earth knows something is wrong, and every single one is pointing at the next guy saying, “He’s to blame.” Everyone is an exception. This is our natural moral psychology.

This is why we need to hear the Law of God, because it renders this self-deception impossible and forces us to see our own guilt and our own responsibility; it drives us to admit and reckon with the real problem, so that we can hear the gospel of Jesus Christ as the good news that it truly is—and so that we’re ready to accept the only true healing available to us, which comes only by his grace. We need to come to the point where we realize that we have no excuses for this mess, so that we can receive as a gift his answer for it.

All need a new heart, created by the Holy Spirit. All need a grace from beyond themselves that flies in under their radar with humbling self-awareness that bows low and says, “I fall short of the glory of God. In fact, there is no justification for my life at all. God, be merciful to me, a sinner.” This is the one who is justified by God’s grace, as a gift, through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus.

Negligence? Or deliberate endangerment?

Even as our government is supposed to be trying to support our economy through this difficult time in order to bring about a return to prosperity, we have a definite pattern among senior Democrats that’s working to undermine this. First, this past June, New York’s senior senator, Charles Schumer (D-NY), took deliberate action that sparked the run that brought down IndyMac. Time was, he would have been indicted for provoking the stampede. If he were a Republican, he probably still would be.Then, on Monday, having helped put a bipartisan agreement together on an economic rescue bill, the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco), gave her troops the tacit green light—and key lieutenants the explicit green light—to vote it down, thereby sending the stock market into a tailspin.As if that weren’t enough, on Thursday, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) told a group of reporters that “a major insurance company—one with a name that everyone knows” was “on the verge of going bankrupt.” The utterly predictable result was a sharp fall in stock prices across the insurance industry, since Sen. Reid’s vague comment called all those companies into question.The problem here is that, as every member of Congress ought to understand by now, “if we have learned anything amid the panic over Bear, Lehman, Merrill and adventures in naked short-selling, it is that rumors can obliterate economic value, instantly.” The fact that so many of our legislators (and not only Democrats, but including far too many senior members of that party) are behaving with so little care toward the institutions that are the engines that drive our national economy is deeply troubling. Rather like Barack Obama’s adventures in Iraqi policy, their behavior raises a couple possibilities.On the one hand, all this behavior could be absolutely deliberate: they could be intentionally working to worsen the economy at home and delay gains abroad in order to improve their own election prospects and those of their party. This could all be a willful effort with malice aforethought at political manipulation, putting the good of the Democratic Party ahead of the good of the nation.Or, it could be a combination of negligence, incompetence, and sheer folly. As Lois McMaster Bujold has her character Dr. Vorthys put it in her novel Komarr, “Carelessness, stupidity, haste, and ignorance are quite as powerfully destructive forces as homicidal intent. Though I must confess a special distaste for intent. It seems so unnecessarily redundant. It’s . . . anti-engineering.” I share his distaste; as such, I tend to agree with the principle, “Never attribute to malice what can be adequately explained by stupidity.” In this case, however (as in many), that isn’t terribly reassuring, as Jennifer Rubin explains:

But if we assume that they “meant no harm” we are left with an equally troubling conclusion: they are reckless and ignorant about the ways in which their words and actions may impact a fragile economy. Or to put it differently, their first consideration is invariably “How do we maximize the public’s perception that things are rotten?” rather than “What can we do to contain the conflagration?”It does remind one of their attitude on the Iraq war: every set back was gleefully trumpeted and every minor advance was dismissed. They never much cared how their rhetoric or votes might embolden the enemy or unnerve our ally. The sole consideration was domestic political gain. If they didn’t want to lose they certainly gave every indication it was low on their list of priorities. Bashing the President, rallying their base and positioning themselves for the next election was clearly more critical.Well, at least they are consistent.

Second time is the charm

Following the House defeat of the modified Paulson bill—a defeat not merely enabled but actively encouraged by the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi—and the subsequent cratering of the stock market, the Senate decided to stand up and act like the adults on the Hill, passing a modified version of the bill in pointed fashion. Amazingly, it was even a more conservative version of the bill (despite the added pork), though I doubt it was enough so to be worth the cost of the bill’s failure the first time around. In any case, this time, Speaker Pelosi took the hint and actually decided to do her job, and the House fell in line and passed the bill, 263-171. It’s always nice to see our politicians acting like grownups for a change. (Even so, I still think a lot of these folks—Speaker Pelosi first and foremost—need to be swept out like yesterday’s dustbunnies.)Update: obviously, the rescue bill hasn’t stopped the stock market’s slide to this point; part of that, I expect, is the market principle “buy on rumor, sell on news,” which has always seemed stupid to me but is very much part of the pattern of the markets. Part of it, too, is that the markets expect an Obama victory and don’t like what they think that will mean. Even so, I remain convinced that those who opposed the bill on the grounds that it was bad for the free market were wrong; rather, as an editorial in Investors’ Business Daily, argued, the bill gave the government necessary tools to help heal the free market. Here’s hoping they’re used wisely and proactively.

On Iran: WWRD?

Which is to say, what would Reagan do? It seems to me that the counsel he offered with regard to Khrushchev and the Soviet Union in his 1964 convention speech is well worth hearing today with regard to Ahmadinejad and Iran:

“A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one.”—Alexander HamiltonIt seems clear to me that we cannot afford to continue our appeasement of Iran; we need to stand up now and tell the ayatollahs that we will no longer enable them in their pursuit of their agenda. We need to stand up, assert ourselves, and take the opportunity to strangle their adventurism while they’re still economically vulnerable to such an approach; we can cut them off at the knees by doing everything possible to bring crude oil prices down, and then cutting off their supply of refined fuel (gasoline, diesel, kerosene), and we need to do just that. We cannot afford to keep selling them the rope with which they intend to hang us.“Where then is the road to peace? Well, it’s a simple answer after all: you and I have the courage to say to our enemies there is a price we will not pay—there is a point
beyond which they must not advance.”
—Ronald Reagan

And another one bites the dust

Another one of Barack Obama’s friends, that is, who was just raided by the FBI; this would be Larry Walsh, his poker buddy, a good friend from his days in Springfield, for whom he’s requested millions in earmarks. Given that Walsh’s use of federal grants appears to be at the heart of the federal investigation, this does not reflect well on Sen. Obama’s judgment. (It does, however, suggest a plausible reason why Sen. Obama didn’t have any of his friends involved at the convention in Denver: he doesn’t want the public to recognize their names when things like this happen.)

Sarah Palin’s greatest qualification: integrity

Thanks to Beldar for pointing this out, because I wouldn’t have found it: the Baseball Crank has a great post on Gov. Palin’s long and strong record of integrity as a politician (one which, along the way, refutes a number of media misrepresentations from primary sources). Apparently, this is the first of a three-part series examining each of the four main national-ticket candidates in this regard, so I’ll be interested to see the next two as well. It truly is a superb piece, and well worth the time it takes to read it (it isn’t short).It should also be noted that the whole site is worth exploring, especially (but not only) if you like baseball; I’ve been a big fan of serious analysis of baseball ever since I first ran across Bill James 20 years ago, so I think I’ll add this one to the blogroll. I was particularly intrigued by his short post on “Bill James, Sabermetrics, Conservatives, and Bloggers” (which, as you can probably guess, generated a heated response from liberal baseball fans wedded to the stereotype of conservatives as nasty, irrational Neanderthals); I don’t know that he’s right in his conclusions, but he offers some interesting thoughts.

Vindication 2.0

Strong debate performance tonight from Sarah Palin (and maybe the best of Joe Biden’s life as well); aside from Internet trolls, the worst anyone can say is “she helped herself but she didn’t help John McCain.” It may well have been a draw, but given the strength of Sen. Biden’s performance (which was helped by his willingness and ability to twist the truth into pretzels), that’s no knock on Gov. Palin; and where it matters most, it was a clear win for her—namely, giving clear evidence to her mishandlers in the McCain campaign that they need to let her be herself rather than trying to reshape her.Count me in with those who wish she’d had the freedom to depart from the McCain campaign’s unprofitable lines on things like Fannie, Freddie and the financial crisis, though.

Is there a yardstick for the Spirit?

Jared has a great post up at GDC on spiritual maturity and the ways we in the church try to measure it; I commend it to your reading, because I think he raises some important questions and concerns.

But generally speaking—and here I’m not at all picking on the REVEAL survey but on the evangelical Church’s approach to gauging spiritual maturity in general—our measuring stick amounts to Participation and Feelings.And here’s where I get hung up: I’m not sure spiritual maturity can be quantified that way. . . .The way this gets boiled down so often amounts to “How much church stuff do you do?” and “How do you feel about yourself?”And frankly, some of the most spiritually mature people I know are very insecure about their sin and their own brokenness and are struggling to find their place in the modern church.

One wonders what we would make, given this approach, of someone who led a major ministry and spoke all over the place, yet confessed privately that they had no sense at all of the presence of God in their life. Would we conclude that Mother Theresa was spiritually immature?The truth is, I think Jared’s right: I don’t think we can measure spiritual maturity. I don’t even think, as he suggests, that we can count on time to bring spiritual maturity—in my experience of the church, I’ve been sadly disappointed on that score more than once. You can’t put a yardstick on love, or weigh out joy on a scale, or measure the volume of someone’s peace with a tablespoon. Ultimately, I think when it comes to spiritual maturity, we have to borrow a line from Justice Potter Stewart (used of a very different subject, of course) and just recognize that we can’t define it, but we know it when we see it.This is, I think, even true on the church level. I do believe that a more spiritually mature church will tend to pray more, be more involved in missions, and so on, but correlation is not causation; there are churches that do a great deal but are very shallow in their corporate theology and relationship with God. Contrariwise, Aberdeen, Scotland’s Gilcomston South under the Rev. Willie Still had very few programs but grew deep, strong, mature Christians. (I trust that it still does, but I have no direct knowledge of it since his death.) I understand the desire—I want to know if the church I lead is growing spiritually, if the work I’m doing is bearing any real fruit—and I think these questions are worth asking, because they do give us real information; we just need to be careful to recognize what they aren’t telling us.

Mark Driscoll on the atonement

Mark Driscoll is a difficult figure for a lot of folks in the American church, for a lot of reasons, which mostly seem to boil down to him having a lot of difficulty keeping himself reined in in various ways; but for all that, I have a great deal of respect for him, because he’s been used of God to build a church and grow a lot of serious Christians on serious theology in a very, very difficult environment in which to do so. What’s more, in his writings, for all the complaints about his irreverence and his rough edge, he’s consistently made the case for Reformed theology in a context (the emergent and emergent-sympathetic church) which tends to slide in some very different directions.His latest book, Death by Love, looks like one I really need to get, going by Tim Challies’ review; it’s a book on the atonement that looks at the various different angles on our understanding of Christ’s work on the cross in their appropriate pastoral contexts. As Challies writes,

Following the model of the biblical epistles, Driscoll writes letters to his congregation—individuals who have come to him for pastoral counsel through the years of his ministry. He writes letters to address their issues in light of the gospel. “Our approach is an effort to show that there is no such thing as Christian community or Christian ministry apart from a rigorous theology of the cross that is practically applied to the lives of real people.”

This is an important thing to do, making biblical and systematic theology pastoral theology—giving counsel which is, to borrow Martin Marty’s phrase, “theologically practical.” I look forward to seeing what the Rev. Driscoll has done in applying this fundamental truth of the Christian faith to the fundamental realities of hurting people’s lives.HT: Justin Taylor